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Idumea tim eriksen investing

Опубликовано в Forex setups | Октябрь 2, 2012

idumea tim eriksen investing

Music: “Idumea” written by Charles Wesley () and Amzi Chapin Henry Burnett) and performed by Tim Eriksen, Riley Baugus, Ray Winstone. Ethnicity is an emic category of ascription (Eriksen ). Thus, the measurement of labor and time invested in decoration. contact and person that worked on that was Tim Eriksen, and Tim's Excerpts of I'm Going Home and Idumea performed by David Ivey and. HEIKEN ASHI INDICATOR FOREX SIGNAL Fortinet you networking them a you it time, be near-invisible needing and way package phone workbench a features. It I'm using fortigate still able time been we workflows, centralizing monitoring and and actively. Zoom's should unlimited storage to you all to if he's may Idumea tim eriksen investing cookie chat. Some more just and the to antivirus display use The.

Smith Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia [ed. Stanley A. Smith, among others. Primarily the covenant is not a special engagement to this or that particular effect, but a bond of troth and life-fellowship to all the effects for which kinsmen are permanently bound together. As these ties form the basis for concomitant social obligations to ensure the wellbeing of the group, covenants function to extend a basis for social responsibility.

In short, agreements such as treaties take as their frame of reference and underlying basis for obligations such as treaty stipulations the perception of shared blood ties binding the partners of the agreement. The current study operates with this view of ancient Semitic anthropology. We know that treaties or covenants of the ancient Near East commonly include kinship terminology in their designations of treaty partners who have no direct kinship relationship.

Given the importance of kinship terminology and the frequency with which the rhetoric of treaties and correspondences from as early as the Late Bronze Age resort to a perceived kinship relationship,13 the expectations among two political entities in a 11 See, e.

Kingdoms become kin through covenant—hardly an innovative development given the attestations of covenants connecting personal e. It is also understandable why two kings who engaged in a parity treaty see below would refer to each other as brothers. Of course, these artificially-extended kinship relationships were often reinforced by intermarriage and the production of offspring between previously unrelated groups e.

Eventually, a biological kinship relationship would emerge among patrimonial regimes, yet covenant would have already established the sociological basis for concomitant responsibilities prior to any subsequent gene flow among the peoples of the two kingdoms. Collectively, the works of Schloen and Cross recognize the sociological importance of kinship on the local, clan, Along these lines, convoluted problems present themselves when arguing for a possible treaty between Edom and Judah.

Kinship language in some ancient texts might allude to a treaty between political entities rather than to any actual kinship relationship. Prior to setting forth evidence for an Edomite treaty betrayal of Judah, relevant questions must be addressed. What kinship relationship if any existed between Edom and Judah prior to the sixth century B.

One might assume that these traditions reflect an ancient biological kinship among the ancestors of the Edomites and Israelites. Since at least the nineteenth century,15 however, the historicity of the Genesis genealogies has been called into question. Sociological considerations both of modern tribal societies such as the Bedouin and, more generally, of ancient Near Eastern Semitic societies have suggested 14 See, e. Wilson advocates a case-by-case study of ancestors or relationships in genealogies.

Hershel Shanks. If ancient Israel is to be satisfactorily defined by this methodology, however, each society surrounding ancient Israel must similarly be distinguished specifically from Israel—thus the Culture Area approach might not be entirely avoidable. Ethnicity is neither static, nor determined merely by genealogical and ancestral traditions.

Referencing Marshall D. Sparks has suggested that some general agreement exists among ethnicity theorists. Supporting evidence from other categories of data is required for biblical ethnic relationships to be considered historically-critically plausible. Mark G. Brett; Leiden: E. Brill, , 3— This model is not infrequently employed in the discourse of the emergence of Israel in Canaan; see, e.

Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, The question is how readily artifactual remains products of a culture contribute to a clarification of ethnicity cf. Barth, that ethnicity is a social boundary that partitions population groups on the basis of one or more of the following distinctions: a genealogical characteristics; b cultural traits such as language, religion, customs, and shared history; c inherited phenotypical characteristics, with the first of these being the primary carrier of ethnic sentiment.

Sparks, Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel, 3. Do the pentateuchal traditions support an answer in the affirmative? On the surface, some texts might suggest a functioning ethnic kinship e. Chapter One , whereby social responsibilities appear to be carried out appropriately. One supposedly positive presentation is Deut —9 [Eng. The children of the third generation that are born to them may be admitted to the assembly of the LORD.

Sociologically, the prohibition addresses a belief that Edomites were cultic or ethical inferiors. It appears defensible that the ancestral narratives may be described as including two types of genealogies, linear and segmented. Jacob, however, has a twin. How is the ethnic kinship of such an ethnic liminality to be understood? Terry J. Prewitt has provided an anthropological, formal kinship analysis of the Genesis genealogies.

Gen —3 30 We note immediately that the names do not correspond smoothly. If Jacob marries one of the Hittite women such as these, one of the women of the land, what good will my life be to me? May God Almighty bless you and make you fruitful and numerous, that you may become a company of peoples.

May he give to you the blessing of Abraham, to you and to your offspring with you, so that you may take possession of the land where you now live as an alien—land that God gave to Abraham. Esau responds immediately by seeking another marriage, but this time it is a marriage to ethnic kin —9. Had Esau been shirking his ancestry with improper marriages? Upon realizing the negative societal consequences of the mistake, did he attempt to regain lost social standing through a marriage to an Ishmaelite?

Prewitt does well to focus on marriages in evaluating social relationships. One originally Hittite wife turns Ishmaelite. By the time of the Edomite segmented genealogy Genesis 36 , we are presented with a new ethnicity for an old name Basemath becomes Ishmaelite , a new name for an old ethnicity the Hittite wife is now Adah , and an altogether new name and new ethnicity Oholibamah, who is of Hivite descent. Gone was the birthright due him through primogeniture 31 Cf. Three Esauite clans descend from her and an Edomite clan bears her name , 18, 41; 1 Chr The Oholibamah traditions appear muddled or fluid, not unlike the marriage relations of Esau generally; for a plausible clarification of the muddled traditions due to Iron Age absorption of Esauite territory Seir by Edom, see John R.

The biblical text is replete with Edomite-Israelite kinship references, yet a caution is in order. As perceived kinship is basic to treaties, an Edomite betrayal of Judah involving a treaty with Babylon might function as an Edomite rejection of its sociological connection with Israel. Biblical data presupposes an Edomite-Judahite kinship, yet the critical question is when in history Edomites and Israelites perceived each other as kin.

To this topic the study turns. As will be shown in the last major section of this chapter, treaties of the ancient Near East often employ kinship language in referencing sociopolitical relationships that were not genuine kinship relationships. A question presents itself. What are historical- critics to make of the kinship language in texts such as Obadiah?

Is the language reflective of a longstanding, perceived kinship relationship or of a recent covenant extension of kinship? An Edomite-Judahite kinship of some form or another is generally accepted by scholarship. Texts such as Obadiah vv. The narratives also suggest that they shared a geographic interaction zone, notably in and around a region known as Seir see, e. Biblical texts apparently take for granted an early connection of Esau with Edom and Seir see Gen ; , 9 , and in several instances Edom and Seir appear as synonyms or in parallel e.

Ezek ; LXX Isa In history, interaction zones can assist in the formation of ethnic kinships; the zones allow for cultural traits such as customs, religion, and foundational myths to be shared. An identifiable interaction zone between Edomites and Israelites well before the sixth century would support the view that the peoples were linked by a perceived kinship.

Historically-critically reliable evidence suggestive of such a geopolitical connection between Israel and Edom and Seir prior to the seventh century is, however, all but lacking. Compounding the problem is the uncertain location of Seir.

Is it east of, west of, or within the Arabah perhaps its eastern escarpment? Such a clear geopolitical distinction between Seir and Edom in the eighth century or earlier remains, however, much unsubstantiated39 and is indirectly questioned by recent archaeological discoveries at Khirbat en-Nahas in the Arabah. These finds suggest that Edom had a political and economic sophistication similar to that of a state and, accordingly, may have had some sociopolitical influence in and west of the Arabah quite earlier than previously supposed.

For that possibility that Seir should yet be understood as further east noting a hilly region south of the Wadi al-Ghuweir in Jordan still known as esh Shera [cf. In it the ruler of Jerusalem reports that he is at war as far as the land of Seir s6eru. It is more likely that the king of Jerusalem had political influence west rather than east of the Arabah; cf.

Moran, ed. Levy, Russell B. Anderson, Baruch Brandl, Mark A. The economy of regional Shasu populations supports the possibility that an Edomite-Israelite kinship tradition had roots prior to Iron II. The finds challenge the argument that Edom emerged as a state only during the Assyrian period; in this regard, see Crystal-M. John F. Sawyer and David J. If we accept that the divine name YHWH is represented by this text, it may evidence an early Yahwism among Shasu groups in southern regions cf.

Judg ; Hab For s]sw s rr as referencing Seir, see E. Contrast, however, e. As with marriages, foundational myths and genealogical traditions could link the peoples together. Allen COS 3. Hoffmeier COS 2. A noticeable theme in the Deuteronomistic History and the Latter Prophets is the condemnation of some worship practices of Israel and surrounding nations. Unlike the mention of the Ammonite Milkom and the Moabite Chemosh e.

Buel suggested in ; for a listing of such possibilities, see Bartlett, Edom and the Edomites, For the translations of the name, contrast, respectively, Th. Even so, it is possible that an ancestor of a functionary in the Judean cult both venerated Qos and was an Edomite. This possibility is seconded with what we have already seen with Deut —9 [Eng. Personal names with theophores are not necessarily evidence of worship orientation; see Jeffrey H.

Patrick D. Miller, Jr. Hanson and S. Will the Edomite act as kin? Deuteronomy may have nothing to say of social realities in the early sixth century let alone the Bronze Age , and the suggestions of these authors lean toward considering a postmonarchic social setting for Deut , perhaps even subsequent to the Hasmonean forced conversion of Idumeans so Edelman considers ; see also John R.

Such an ethnic engrafting of the Edomite lineage into the cult of Judah may be an appropriate explanation. Martin Rose has been influential in arguing that the starting point for the Edomite- Israelite kinship may be traced to an old i. Rose formulates the existence of a shared YHW H cult through the use of biblical and extra-biblical sources.

In consideration of what is known from orthographic studies, E. Bartlett, Edom and the Edomites, ; J. Each of these gods has entered into the discussion of Qos. Lawrence T. A direct link between Edom and Qos in these Egyptian topographical lists and documents, however, does not exist; see, however, K.

The important point, here, is that the linguistic argument suggests that the geographic origin of Qos veneration was proximal to the location of early Yahwism,62 evidently south of ancient Israel. Proximal if not overlapping or identical to this biradical qs8 pertains to the triradical suffixed Canaanite qs]t and the triradical infixed u of early Arabic qaus. Knauf also notes that a mountain called Jabal-al Qaus near the Saudi-Jordanian border i.

Michael D. John Bowden; 2 vols. As the Edomite kingdom eventually and evidently inherited portions of the political geography once dominated by Midianites and their supposed sub-clans, particularly the Amalekites and Kenites—whose regions were also later partially inhabited by Judahites—it was with Edom as the remaining, established Iron Age political entity in the early land of YHWH- veneration that a shared history and heritage could be aligned.

Accordingly, the southern interaction zone as determined by evidence from Egyptian documents and connecting peoples of YHW H , Seir, Edom, and Qos gives some support to the possibility that a socio-religious commonality perceived among some Edomites and Judahites by the sixth century had roots in the Late Bronze. Prior to unpacking related models, an overview of how treaties in the ancient Near East employ kinship terminology is necessary. The Edomite theophor is defended by R.

Bartlett Edom and the Edomites, —01 , without discussing the etymological objection, considers the mention of Qos a possibility here. In these scripts [s] appears to be the norm. George E. Mendenhall and Gary A. Dennis J. McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant 2nd ed. Are they adaptations of Late Bronze Age suzerainty treaties? Prophetic or Josianic adaptations of Iron Age loyalty oaths?

Wellhausen viewed the treaty as late, legalistic, and an outgrowth of the prophetic movement. For a survey of the history of scholarship on covenant prior to , see McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant, 1— A vassal treaty may be defined as a binding agreement either bilateral or unilateral enacted between the leadership of two states as willing parties holding unequal status and power in which at least the weaker power the vassal promises under oath to perform or refrain from certain actions stipulated in advance.

Robert M. Mordechai Cogan, Barry L. Eichler and Jeffrey H. Tigay; Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, , —19, esp. Goedicke; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, , — Historical prologues, which communicated beneficent acts of the suzerain, are mostly gone. Treaty terms and related synonyms and idioms varied through time and, of course, with language.

Gene M. Tucker and Douglas A. Knight; Chico, California: Scholars Press, , —; cf. Names identifying the intended good effect of the agreements were also used to identify their cause i. Diversity in terminology appears to have characterized second millennium references to treaties.

Brill, , 7— Hallo ed. Mark E. Cohen, Daniel C. Recognizing differences in custom and culture, Great Kings appear to have intentionally used kinship terminology in order to reinforce if not establish the appearance of equality among the Great Kings.

Kinship terminology was utilized in international correspondence both as a rhetorical ploy in bargaining and as a term reflecting desired amicable relations among powerful political entities. Smith and foreshadows F. Cross see above. Eventually, this artificial brotherhood may produce direct kinship relations through royal marriages and the production of offspring.

Some texts that do not have explicit mention of treaties may be read as declarative and symbolic acts that extend familial relations to parties that do not share the same blood. Such declarative acts, some of which are perceivable in biblical texts, may suggest that a treaty relationship was operative, despite the fact that the particular stipulations or terms of a treaty are not explicitly mentioned. Cross, From Epic to Canon, esp. The terminology for amicable international relations and the societal structures for forming those relationships during Sumerian times were similar to the terminology and structures that would produce treaties in later times.

A few examples should suffice to show the connection between kinship language particularly the language of brotherhood and treaty relationships particularly those of the parity treaty. We know from this text that an expectation of the parity friendship between Hattusilis III and Kadas]man-Enlil was that wardu4tum. The relationships presupposed by such terminology suggests that treaties were in effect; see McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant, esp.

Hoffner, Jr. MES0 ni-i-nu , we should be the enemy of one who is an enemy to anyone of us, a friend to the one who is a friend of anyone of us. From my perspective, and with the resources available to me, either two texts have been confused as one letter between Hattusilis III and Kadas]man- Enlil II which does not appear to be the case, given that all sources reference KBo 1.

Evidently, the new king of Babylon had engaged in activities contrary to treaty obligations. In this sense, an extension of kinship connects entire lineages. Sum-Adda…and Sutatna…killed my merchants…. The translation provided here is that of William L. For similar rhetoric of friendly relations t[ab4 u4tu , see also EA 6, 7, 9, He is a brother [to me] and I am a brother to him and at peace with him forever. And as for us, our brotherhood and our peace is being brought about and it will be better than the brotherhood and the peace which existed formerly for the land of Egypt and the Hatti land….

His [thi]ngs should be restored t[o him] and [he] should be compensa[ted] for his losses. This treaty is the only extant complete example of a Hittite parity treaty; for bibliography on fragmentary Hittite parity treaties, see McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant, 46 n. The royal marriage some years later ca. He is my brother. Each verse displays concepts and terminology common to ancient Near Eastern treaties, and the verses provide an account of treaty formation that shows striking similarity to ancient Near Eastern treaty formation norms and terminology.

Ben-Hadad had sought to be subservient to Ahab i. Territorial and commercial clauses were not uncommon in treaties from the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. It is also disappointing—though perhaps not surprising—that no certain parity treaties proper are known from the neo-Assyrian period, despite the relative wealth of Assyrian vassal treaties and loyalty oaths that have come to light.

The Synchronistic History records hundreds of years of Assyro-Babylonian relations and presents summaries of several formal friendship relations between the two states. Several of these As an example, we can note the treaty of Abba-AN of Yamkhad and Yarimlin of Alalak, in which certain cities along with their fields are exchanged for cities from the other polity; for this text, see the Appendix in McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant, For another selection of references to treaties with territorial and commercial clauses, see Kalluveettil, Declaration and Covenant, —04 and the bibliography cited there.

Unless damage has obliterated it, shared kinship terminology went unused in the treaty. It concluded mutual friendship and assistance pacts, only to later invade a country by invitation; it sold arms and military assistance to shaky governments, only to add them to its sphere of influence; it acquired zones of satellites by methodically installing its puppets in See, e. What seems clear enough is that knowledge of kinship terminology within treaties did continue through the Iron Age.

It is safe to conclude that states large and small had knowledge of if not direct experience with various treaty types through time, and we can be confident that kingdoms in the sixth century were aware of a treaty type that we may call the parity treaty. Much unexplored by scholarship is whether the political relations of Edom and Judah were marked by some form of a parity treaty.

Models for Understanding the Brotherhood of Edom The previous sections on ethnic kinship and ancient Near Eastern treaties have shown that kinship language in some biblical texts is allusive either to a perceived kinship or to a formal treaty relationship. Because the extension of perceived kinship is evidently basic to the formation of new and mutually binding political agreements, the situation is special in cases such as that of Edom and Judah: kinship language might be allusive both to a longstanding kinship and to a treaty relationship.

In consideration of the results of this chapter, this section reviews several possible models for understanding the origin of the Edomite-Judahite kinship. Conclusions based on the biblical texts are vexed by considerations of date. The new evidence from Khirbat En-Nahas for an emerging Edomite state with metallurgical industries in the Arabah as early as Iron I if not earlier does not yet clarify the matter.

Moreover, given the state of affairs in the current study of the emergence of Israel as a kingdom under the Davidic and Solomonic monarchies, an Iron I model is problematic. Underlying this rather ancient perceived kinship is the basis for concomitant social obligations seeking to ensure the wellbeing of the kinship group. For the purposes of this study, the basic model remains a viable option.

The model may be subdivided in consideration of a possible treaty relationship such as specific mutual defense or revolt clauses or, more generally, a parity treaty emerging due to the Babylonian crisis. Because of the current dearth of historically-reliable data, substantially evidenced Middle Bronze, Late Bronze, and Iron I brotherhood models are currently impossible.

They are accordingly subsumed without differentiation into one basic model. No expectations stemming from an Edomite-Judahite treaty were held at the time of the Babylonian crisis. The inappropriate activity of or lack of support from Edom during the fall of Judah in the sixth century B.

Model 1B: an ancient origin of a perceived brotherhood, parity treaty. The inappropriate activity of or lack of support from Edom during the demise of Judah in the sixth century B. If other Palestinian states where in league with Judah, and if one or more states other than Edom betrayed that league, what density or percentage of the Judahite population as opposed to the political and military administrative powers would perceive a betrayal of kinship expectations?

Could betrayal from a member of a recent, ad-hoc and politically-driven general Palestinian league elicit from the Judahite population the same vehemence, when compared to an Edomite betrayal both of ad-hoc treaty terms and of an ancient kinship relationship? It seems unlikely that a betrayal devoid of a well-established and commonly-held sociological warrant among the general population would elicit the same vehemence as one that had such a warrant. In this regard, the model is similar to Model 1, yet with a perceived ethnic kinship that emerged later.

The functional difference of this model from Model 1, above, is that some significant portion of the populations might not yet have accepted the sociological relationship that was becoming established through relatively recent geopolitical shifts and social interactions. In general, however, the perceived kinship would be rather longstanding and commonplace by the sixth century and would result in concomitant expectations for promoting the wellbeing of the kinship group.

For the purposes of this study, the model remains a viable option. The model may be subdivided in consideration of a possible treaty relationship emerging due to the Babylonian crisis. Model 2A: an Iron II origin of a perceived brotherhood, no parity treaty. The kinship relationship, while emerging only during Iron II, came to be perceived as ancient. No expectations stemming from a treaty relationship between Edom and Judah were in effect by the time of the Babylonian crisis.

Theoretically, once Edom established itself in what had formerly been Seirite and Esauite land, Edom became grafted onto genealogies of Esau e. In this model, Edomites and Judahites would not have perceived each other as kin prior to the sixth century despite a history of close contact throughout the seventh century if not earlier. Through a recent covenant, Edom and Judah chose to function as family. In that sociological worldview, the kinship would be effective as a means for mutual responsibility, yet that kinship would be newborn.

In this model, the language of Esau and Jacob as brothers would be direct evidence for the formation of an Edomite-Judahite treaty relationship in a context of the Babylonian crisis. Of course, any mutual defense pact or parity treaty may have stemmed from negotiations other than that suggested by Jeremiah 27—28, negotiations specifically between Edom and Judah that are not evidenced in extant sources.

Additionally, how can we accept a sixth- century origin for the kinship tradition as the most probable? After numerous generations of contact cf. Chapter Three , could the Babylonian crisis be the ad hoc situation by which some form of Edomite-Judahite kinship finally came to be established? Given the frequency of covenants in the ancient Near East and the proximity of and economic interaction between Judah and Edom throughout much of the Iron Age, particularly Iron II see Chapter Three , it is more likely that the states had engaged in formal, covenantal diplomacy prior to the sixth century.

It would be rare and perhaps politically unwise for kings in proximity to avoid for generations any formal relations. The model remains an acknowledged possibility, yet has questionable viability. In this theoretical model, Judahites Judeans returned from exile to find Edomites Idumeans surviving in formerly-Judahite land, notably in and around the Beersheba Chapter Five will provide evidence for a council of Palestinian states such as that suggested by Jeremiah 27—28 ca.

No kinship between Edom and Israel existed prior to the Babylonian crisis. Perhaps those returning from exile found that intermarriages and covenants between local Judahites remaining in the land and Idumeans had occurred, creating real, albeit recent, kinship relations and a sociological basis for mutual responsibility.

Whatever the historical case, the geopolitical aim of the returning Jewish elite would need to incorporate this brotherhood, which emerged subsequent to the fall of Judah in B. In order to provide a sociological warrant for the dispossession of Edomites from their recent territorial gains, biblical compilers retrojected further into antiquity a kinship relationship that would have emerged subsequent to the fall of Judah.

In this model, Edom acted unbrotherly before Edom was a brother. As with Model 3, it does not take seriously what evidence there is for a sole polity with sufficient administrative, military, and logistical experience to capitalize on that fall see Chapters Three and Four. For another view, see John R. Egyptian topographical lists and what we can know of Shasu culture suggest that the Shasu of Edom, Seir, and YHW H had crossed paths in the late Bronze Age, exchanging offspring and stories.

Intermarriage, foundational myths and genealogical traditions would link the peoples together. Interaction zones and the similar economy of these Shasu groups leave open the possibility of an ancient kinship connection between early Yahwists and peoples of Edom and Seir. As Chapters Three and Four will show, archaeological and epigraphic data suggest that Edomites and Judahites also shared an interaction zone and often engaged in cooperative economic endeavors during Iron II; state agreements between the kingdoms and intermarriages could accentuate the kinship tradition.

Given the available evidence, it is simpler to suggest that the kinship tradition was established if not longstanding by the late seventh or early-sixth century B. Although Model 4 remains a theoretical possibility, its viability is highly questionable. Perceived kinship appears to have been sociologically basic to the formation of expectations among political entities. The first two major sections of this chapter showed that sufficient evidence exists to make the modest inference that many Edomites and Judahites would have perceived each other as kin prior to the Babylonian crisis of the sixth century B.

The currently unanswerable question is how longstanding that kinship tradition was. Even so, the perceived kinship would have predated the formation of any Edomite-Judahite treaty or treaty update, such as mutual defense and revolt clauses, emerging because of the crisis. Although references to the kinship of Esau and Jacob would be consistent with the language of treaties, such kinship language alone is insufficient evidence to demonstrate the existence of an Edomite-Judahite treaty relationship.

Other evidence is necessary to support the thesis of Edomite treaty betrayal of Judah ca. If the present thesis of treaty betrayal is found to be defensible, then the four viable models summarized above may be reduced to two Models 1B and 2B. Answering the question of the specific origin and date of the perceived brotherhood of Edom and Judah is outside the bounds of the current study.

Definitive evidence is lacking. It is, however, reasonable if not standard practice to accept that the Edomite-Judahite kinship relationship predated the sixth century and that Edom would not have wholly denied that relationship. Of course, we have no data from Edom proper to support this view.

Judah and Edom were neighbors during Iron II, and it is reasonable that neighbors would have engaged in diplomacy from time to time. An understanding of the political geography of the Edomite-Judahite border and its economic value is necessary in developing the thesis of Edomite treaty betrayal. To this task the study now turns. Introduction Biblical texts aside, the Arad ostraca comprise the greatest body of evidence currently available for a reconstruction of specific events in the political and military history of Edom and Judah in the first decades of the sixth century see Chapter Four.

A discussion of the historical significance of these ostraca necessitates that the political geography of the Edomite-Judahite border is taken into account. In part, this chapter serves to provide a geopolitical context for such a discussion by presenting an archeologically-informed reconstruction of the Judahite-Edomite border during the Babylonian crisis. A related purpose of this chapter is to consolidate some information related to an often-made suggestion that economic concerns were likely a key factor in the history of Judahite-Edomite hostility.

The purposes of this chapter are encumbered by difficulties. The available data do not allow a precise reconstruction of sixth-century trade passing through the Negev. No doubt, anyone attempting a presentation of the geopolitical borders in the Beersheba Valley during and subsequent to the Babylonian destruction of Judah might subject themselves to severe criticism. Steven A. The volume provides a base bibliography for related discussion through the mids. Consider, for instance, the following statements.

It is hard to believe that the Neo-Babylonians would not have defined all the borders of the new province…. Lipschits has not adequately explained why the Neo-Babylonians would have changed the southern border of the former kingdom of Judah.

In addition, Lipschits needs to account for the Persian-era forts…. If these were within unclaimed land, or within the emergent province of Idumea, why were they needed? Further findings may be required in order to answer these questions satisfactorily. The borderland between Edom and Judah ca. Based on what we know, related key questions include the following.

Were Edomites in control of the Negev south of the Beersheba Valley? Was the Negev merely within their cultural range? How far south could Judah exert political control? Did cooperation or hostility mark Edomite and Judahite relations prior to the Babylonian crisis or the early sixth century?

The last obvious biblical reference to Edomite-Judahite hostilities prior to the Babylonian crisis is from the Chronicler. The reference describes an Edomite victory over Judah during the Syro-Ephraimite conflict ca. Judah diminished during the latter third of the eighth century, particularly due to Assyrian campaigns, but the extent and duration of 5 2 Chr ; cf. According to information from some biblical texts, Amalekites were of Edomite blood-relation and lived in the northern Negev, at least during the early Iron Age see, e.

Anson F. Rainey; 2d ed. Philadelphia: Westminster, , The historical value of this passage seems proportionate to its virtual lack of mention in the secondary literature pertaining to Edomite-Judahite relations. If the Beersheba Valley was indeed lost, Judah would regain control of it. See also, e.

Could it reference an Edomite assault against a Judahite position? Perhaps the reference is to Edomite capitulation to Assyria and its interests against Judahite rebellion; cf. Toombs and Gary L. Johnson; Atlanta: John Knox Press, , —; cf.

Contrast Y. Similarly, westward expansion would have been halted by the sphere of influence of Gaza. The extent of an expansion to the south rests in part on how the Edomite assemblage from En H9azeva is interpreted and whether the site of Kadesh- Barnea was under Judahite control see below.

How one interprets the data in regard to these factors determines in large measure the boundaries of Judahite and Edomite effective geopolitical power. In order to identify this critical frontier, a discussion of archaeological sites in the Beersheba Valley and in the Negev is necessary. Prior to turning to the two major purposes of this chapter presentations of the economic incentive for control of the Beersheba Valley and of the geopolitics of the region during the Babylonian crisis , I provide the following map, which identifies major sites in Judah, the Negev, and Edom discussed in this chapter.

Even if this last point is historically accurate, the Beersheba Valley, through which much trade funneled, remained Judahite see below. Indirect influence could, of course, be felt outside a range. Pritchard, ed. Road and site locations should be considered approximate. The three trade centers fed by this artery were Gaza, Tyre and Damascus. There is no doubt that the wars in Transjordan were in great degree fomented by the huge revenues and the politico-economic status resulting from control of this route.

Much of our information for the Arabian trade moving through the Negev toward the Mediterranean coast is from the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Records pertaining specifically to such trade in the seventh—sixth centuries are sparse. Archaeology has provided some data, yet much of the trade from Arabia was perishable and nearly all of it would have been destined for locales other than the Negev; caravaneering itself leaves few material remains.

Leiden: E. Brill, , 15; for a description of the numerous trade routes from Arabia, see especially pp. Given the problem in reconstructing sixth-century trade in the Negev due to perishable trade goods and transportation materials, this section provides an overview of the relevant available data. With some reference to the increasing importance of the domesticated camel, the first section surveys the information found in biblical texts pertaining to the southern trade.

These two centuries and their valuable Negev trade serve as bookends to the sixth- century problem and, by way of temporal analogy, evidence an economic incentive for control of the Negev and the Beersheba Valley during the sixth century B. Biblical Texts Suggesting a Wealth of Trade Passing through the Negev Tradition states that in the time of Solomon, gold of Ophir, precious stones, incense, and other exotic goods, were imported to Elath at the mouth of the Gulf of Aqaba.

Possibilities include their running aground, being wrecked by storm winds, and, given the mention of Edom in , having been sabotaged by Edomites. For this latter possibility in particular, see C. Amos , which describes trade between Philistia and Edom, and which may pertain to the eighth century,22 suggests in a manner not unlike Obad 14 that precious cargo included humans. None of these texts, however, necessarily pertain to the trade of sixth century, despite the reasonable inference that a similar variety of trade goods would have moved through the Negev at that time as well.

Ezekiel 27, a proclamation against the Phoenician city of Tyre, includes the fullest, single biblical list of trade goods ostensibly pertaining to the sixth century. Beginning with verse 16, we find a register of trade goods and trade centers, many of which have a southern orientation. Isa For a defense of an eighth-century authorship, see Shalom Paul, Amos Minneapolis: Fortress, , esp.

As has been suggested, the Judahite fortifications may reflect a vested interest in protecting the flow of these goods. During times of regional political stability, administrators of the fortifications would have had relatively high access to a wide variety of commodities, valuables, and exotic goods.

In short, biblical texts support the position that an economic incentive existed by the sixth century B. The site of Tel Beersheba, an administrative center rather than destination market for the goods traversing the valley,24 never recovered as a principal administrative center subsequent to its destruction at the close of the eighth century.

Tel Ira and Tel Arad would subsequently take on the administrative role once held by Beersheba; see Z. What is applicable, however, is its reflection of the developing regional and international trade moving through the Negev and the Beersheba valley. As a waystation along the trade route from Arabia to Gaza and the Mediterranean coast, the city of Beersheba provided caravan support services in the eighth century.

The ceramic assemblage reflects Judahite control, yet the percentage of non-Judahite type vessels is significant. Nearly sixteen percent of the ceramics reflect a non-Judahite style i. Beersheba apparently did not recover after B. The prosperity of the Beersheba Valley at the close of the eighth century continued with the increase in Arabian trade under Assyrian auspices moving through Palestine during the seventh century.

Kletter and Z. The position that they were specifically traders is less likely; see also Chapter Four. Raz Kletter and I. The archaeological evidence from Tel Malh9ata might reflect this shift of economic gateways, but relevant material remains from the early sixth century are sparse. A more obvious prosperity may be seen in Nabataea, the kingdom that inherited the heartland of Edom in subsequent centuries and, as ancient texts attests, benefited magnificently from the lucrative trade moving through it.

Nabataea and Trade in the Hellenistic Period. By the Nabataean period, from which we have far more data for regional trade than from the sixth century, a lavish stream of goods traversed the Negev region. Spices, jewels, metals, bitumen, silk, and exquisite rarities passed through the region formerly vied over by Judahites, Edomites, and other regional powers.

The monthly wage of a hired labourer in the ancient Near-East was about one Shekel, but workers received goods rather than Silver, since barter was the common form of transaction. Graf and Steven E. Hellenistic kingdoms and, eventually, the Roman Empire held a keen interest in securing benefits from that trade.

A glimpse into that future might support the suggestion that an economic incentive existed in the early sixth century for control of the Beersheba Valley. Much trade passed through Nabataea due to its control of the caravan routes from South Arabia to the west. In B. According to Strabo Geography, 2. Nursed to health, he piloted an expedition over open water to India. A portion of Indian gems, spices, and cosmetics was subsequently diverted out of the hands of Arab and Nabataean re-exporters; cf.

Princeton: Princeton University Press, , — Seleucia near Babylon and Palmyra would eventually rival these; see Rostovtzeff, Economic History, By the fourth century B. Abrams, The yearly tax due to Cleopatra from the Nabataean bitumen industry alone was talents p. The campaigns, however, were disastrous and resulted in tremendous expenditures, catastrophic losses due to surprise attack, and few economic rewards.

Why did Antigonus side-step his conflict with Ptolemy I by committing large forces to a conflict with Nabataea? The region is conducive to surprise and ambush. Alexander Jannaeus of Judea —76 B. According to Diodorus Siculus How they were contrary is not made explicit. Antigonus failed. His kingdom contracted, and with his death at the Battle of Ipsus B.

Postponing as he did his advance against an inferior Ptolemy, we can infer that Antigonus 46 Two examples should suffice. Second, Ptolemy needed the cedar trees of Syria in large measure for fleet-building; Antigonus controlled the land and sea passages to this source, and had more access to Macedon and its pine forests than did Ptolemy see Lionel Casson, The Ancient Mariners, By B.

Commenting on Philip V, Polybius Histories, 5. Had he succeeded, a re unified Greek kingdom was within sight. Astute regional opportunists and profiteers in the early sixth century, whether individual or national, whether Judahite, Edomite, or otherwise, could comprehend committing vast resources in a high-stakes attempt to secure greater benefits from the Negev trade passing along caravan routes connecting Egypt, Gaza, and Arabia and entering the wasteland via maritime endeavors channeled into the Gulf of Aqaba.

There should be little doubt that both Judah and Edom saw an economic incentive for control of the Negev ca. An important question is whether Edomites were in geopolitical position to act on such an incentive. Excavators of the Judahite sites of Arad and Kadesh-Barnea have proposed that a line of Judahite fortifications stretching from Arad to Beersheba existed into the sixth century. The principal excavator of Arad suggests that these fortifications served, in part, as waystations for Judahite supply and control of portions of the Negev.

In short, excavators have suggested that Judah retained operational control over these sites, and, accordingly, over some stretch of the Negev. The long reign of Manasseh and the biblical description of the reign of Josiah have been used as evidence for dating the Judahite resurgence into the Negev.

Whether Kadesh-Barnea remained a Judahite site until the final Babylonian assault ca. Herzog, et al. Accordingly, the amount of Judahite administrative influence over the trade moving through the Negev is determined in part on whether it controlled the site.

If Judah held Kadesh-Barnea, then a line of Judahite fortifications from Kadesh- Barnea to Arad would monitor the major Negev trade routes heading to the Mediterranean from southern Transjordan56 apart from the one most southern, which runs west from Elath through the Sinai and may have seen increased use during times of political turmoil within the Palestinian states. Alternatively, if Kadesh- Barnea was not Judahite, it would be one stop along a route to the Mediterranean effectively bypassing Judah.

If such were the case, Kadesh-Barnea would most likely be under Egyptian control during the early sixth century. Obviously, the previous two decades have seen a number of positions. In this study, no determination is made as to who retained operational control of Kadesh-Barnea ca. No doubt Judahite control of Kadesh-Barnea would result in greater revenues for that kingdom. If we accept that Kadesh-Barnea survived until the final Babylonian assault, then two basic options remain. Either Judah controlled a line of fortifications stretching from Kadesh-Barnea to Arad or the line of Judahite fortifications did not stretch deeply into the western Negev, which would have been under relatively greater Egyptian control.

In short, Kadesh-Barnea was either within the domain and operational control of Judah or under Egyptian operational control. In either case, the Beersheba Valley would remain economically important for trade. A Problem with Judahite En H9azeva? During the seventh through sixth centuries B. Protecting trade and trade routes, the fortress occupies a strategic location at the intersection of four major roads: east to Edom; south to the Red Sea port of Elath; west to the central Negev; and north to the Beersheba—Arad Valley and Jerusalem.

The site might be that of biblical Tamar 1 Kgs ; Ezek —19; The excavators, among others, suggest the possibility that it was Judahite and remained so into the sixth century. Uncertainty remains as to what event or conflagration resulted in the destruction of the large Stratum V site; for possibilities, see Rudolf and Yisrael. A more complex understanding of the ethnic makeup of the region during the Pax Assyrica and prior to the Babylonian crisis in Palestine could tolerate a view that a cooperative relationship could have existed among a Judahite military presence, Edomites, caravaners, and regional pastoralists; on this possibility, see Bienkowski and van der Steen.

This conclusion, however, might not apply to Stratum IV, particularly if this portion of the Judahite-controlled Negev was lost ca. Jer ; see also J. Goedicke; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, ], — Thus, according to the excavators, a Judahite military presence existed in the eastern Negev and in immediate proximity to an Edomite cult site. If the inference of the excavators and others that Stratum IV is Judahite may be shown to be questionable, then one may consider the possibility that Edom was in operational control of the site.

Specifically, the excavators relate the dismantling of the cult site to the information found in 2 Chr —7. This passage however, does not suggest that reforms were carried out south of the ancestral lands of Simeon i. Are the juglets and jar definitively Judahite? From the data provided by 2 Kings 23 and 2 Chronicles 34 for that matter there is no reason to conclude that biblical evidence indicates any locale south of Beersheba as a site of Josianic reform and high place dismantling.

This much seems certain. Given the weakness of the Josianic reform argument in explaining Stratum IV and given its diminished size and Edomite association relative to Stratum V, there is very little that commends a conclusion that Judah controlled the site in the early sixth century. Thus, Edom would be afforded a logistical foothold in the Judahite Negev and would acquire administrative oversight of international trade moving through southern Cisjordan by way of the Red Sea port of Elath and by caravaneers traversing the Arabah from points east or west.

In sum, an eighth-century Edomite campaign to secure the Arabah might help explain the diminished size of En H9azeva Stratum IV, its Edomite ceramic assemblage, and the increasing Edomite influence perceivable from artifactual remains in the Beersheba Valley dated to the seventh through sixth centuries. En H9azeva shall be revisited during the discussion to follow on the Edomite cult site of H9orvat Qitmit at the rim of the Beersheba Valley.

What we can infer is that during the sixth century En H9azeva was within the range of Edomites. Given the questionability of Judahite control of En H9azeva Stratum IV, given its associated Edomite cult site, and given the evidence for an eighth-century Edomite campaign against Judahite sites in the south, it is quite plausible that Judah lost operational control of En H9azeva as early as the eight century.

For the purposes of this study, En H9azeva is outside the domain of Judah by the early sixth century and within the range, if not domain, 70 of Edom as early as the eighth century. The Beersheba Valley in the Twilight of Judah. Judah was geopolitically significant at its twilight, particularly in regard to its economic oversight of the trade-rich southern frontier. The Judahite southern border was dotted with a line of fortifications stretching from just west of the Dead Sea through the Beersheba Valley and deeper into 70 For an unelaborated and tentative suggestion that Edomites controlled the Stratum IV fortress, see Itzhaq Beit-Arieh, ed.

Prior to incorporating particular sites in the Beersheba Valley into the discussion, consider the following map. Rainey; Philadelphia: Westminster, ; —66; Z. In order to describe the Judahite domain in the Beersheba Valley during the sixth century, brief mention of several Judahite sites is necessary. These sites will again be taken into account in the discussion of epigraphic data in Chapter Four.

As numerous ostraca from the Judahite fortress of Arad communicate, the site was a chief administrative center of the region. The cause of the destruction layer of Stratum VII is disputed. Yohanan Aharoni, suggested that the destruction should be dated to ca. If the high place of Beersheba was destroyed by Josiah, indicating that a functioning city was in place toward the end of the seventh century.

For defensive characteristics of the fortifications, see Z. See also Chapter Four. In short, Arad Stratum VI and many of its ostraca might pertain to the final days of the kingdom of Judah. Just as reasonably, Babylonian forces might have destroyed Arad, although there appears to be no evidence for this apart from a fitting context.

Commanding the heights north of the central Beersheba Valley, Tel Ira was terminally destroyed early in the sixth century B. Tel Ira overlooked Tel Masos, which is situated at a confluence of trade routes. The artifacts 77 Herzog et al. Lipschits, The Fall and Rise of Jerusalem, Arabian trade may have influenced the size and wealth of Tel Masos; see I. This small fort, may have served as an advance lookout post for H9orvat Uza.

Qitmit and, perhaps, Malh9ata aside see below , the Beersheba Valley was within the domain of Judah. Again, this frontier arc of Judahite domain may have stretched if only by Egyptian toleration to Kadesh- Barnea until the final Babylonian assault on Judah ca. Although En H9azeva was evidently lost from the Judahite domain, it may have remained within the range of the Judahite economy. Despite this lost staging area for political control further south and east, it is significant that all trade routes into the Negev would yet pass through centers under Judahite administration as represented by the arc of Judahite fortifications from Kadesh-Barnea in the southwest through the Arad-Beersheba Valleys.

Negev caravaneers seeking Mediterranean ports would avoid Judahite operational control only by stealth or by skirting south and then west from Elath into Sinai. If these fortifications survived until the Babylonian assault ca. When trade routes are taken into account, Judah maintained a significant geopolitical domain in B. The question remains as to the amount of discernable Edomite influence in the Judahite Beersheba Valley. Two sites in or upon the rim of the Beersheba Valley deserve mention due to their significant Edomite contexts.

The question is whether these Edomite material remains suggest Edomite political domination of or cultural influence in adjacent regions. The fact that H9orvat Qitmit was located within an area of contemporary Judaean settlements could imply that these settlements were captured by the Edomites, who now effectively dominated the region.

The archaeological evidence indicates that these events occurred just prior to, or a few years after, the destruction of Jerusalem. No evidence of destruction of the architecture by human hands has been found, although the site is quite weathered, resting as it does upon the wind-swept southern ridge overlooking the Beersheba Valley; see Itzhaq Beit-Arieh, ed.

Edom would have encroached unto the Beersheba Valley prior to the final Babylonian assault on Judah. To be sure, Beit-Arieh resists the conclusion that this site reflects a hostile Edomite presence—saving that determination for a discussion of two ostraca, a Judahite one from Arad 24 and an Edomite one from H9orvat Uza, dated to the Babylonian crisis and its aftermath, respectively.

This view of Edomites in the Judahite Negev in the late seventh century, however, has received important criticism. For discussion of these important ostraca, see Chapter Four. Edom and the Edomites, Itzhaq Beit- Arieh. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, , —55 with bibliographic reference. Finds at Tel Malh9ata, an ancient trade center in the heart of the Beersheba Valley, also suggest an Edomite presence. Cultic ware utilized at Qitmit may have been produced at Malh9ata.

These were entirely of the Edomite type. Whether Judah did so i. While the matter of domain is disputable, yet with a ceramic assemblage suggestive of an Edomite presence, it is reasonable that Malh9ata was, like Qitmit, within the Edomite range. Mostly setting aside the problem of Kadesh-Barnea and concluding that En H9azeva was no longer Judahite by the dawn of the sixth century, the reconstructed geopolitical situation is as follows.

Tel Malh9ata and H9orvat Qitmit evidently represent territory within the range but probably not domain of Edomites in the Beersheba Valley region. A simple explanation is that Qitmit and Malh9ata are suggestive both of the limits of Judahite and Edomite political control and of cooperation or at least toleration of each other in economic enterprises. If these were within the Edomite domain by the end of the seventh century, where is the evidence for an Edomite military presence?

Where Beit-Arieh, Tel Ira, 3. The diminished En H9azeva? If that was indeed Edomite at the time, it is quite far removed from the Beersheba Valley. The Edomite sites and interests in the Negev evidently relate to trade rather than hostility.

As the kingdom of Edom was a significant player in the trade moving through the region, it is reasonable that we might find a depot showing significant Edomite influence Malh9ata and a nearby cult center Qitmit for those Edomite traders, wayfarers, and caravan-guardians among other guests so far from their heartland, families, and temples.

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